励志演讲稿英语汇编九篇。
在面对即将到来的正式演讲时。演讲稿可以让你的演讲更加流畅，演讲时的语言最好是口语化的，便于与听众进行交，大家都知道主题演讲稿的格式方面有什么要注意的点吗？根据您的要求，中学范文网的编辑为您整理了一些内容：“励志演讲稿英语”，此文一读相信您会拥有新的认知深度。
励志演讲稿英语 篇1
we are the world ,we are the future
someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a
book, whose pages are infinite”. i don’t know who wrote these words, but i’ve
always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to
be. we are all in the position of the farmers. if we plant a good seed ,we reap
a good harvest. if we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
we are young. “how to spend the youth?” it is a meaningful question. to
answer it, first i have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” youth
is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. it’s not a matter of rosy cheeks,
red lips or supple knees. it’s the matter of the will. it’s the freshness of the
deep spring of life.
a poet said “to see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild
flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. several
days ago, i had a chance to listen to a lecture. i learnt a lot there. i’d like
to share it with all of you. let’s show our right palms. we can see three lines
that show how our love.career and life is. i have a short line of life. what
about yours? i wondered whether we could see our future in this way. well, let’s
make a fist. where is our future? where is our love, career, and life? tell
me.yeah, it is in our hands. it is held in ourselves.
we all want the future to be better than the past. but the future can go
better itself. don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. from the
past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. we’ve learnt that
we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. failure doesn’t
mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way.
failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
as what i said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the
first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. the past has gone. nothing
we do will change it. but the future is in front of us. believe that what we
give to the world, the world will give to us. and from today on, let’s be the
owners of ourselves, and speak out “we are the world, we are the future.”
学生青春励志英文演讲稿【三】
good afternoon ，ladies and gentlemen!
i”m very honored to stand here and give you a short speech! to begin with
,i want to ask a question .does everybody dream a good dream last night?
actually ,today i want to talk about dream with you. of course, what i want to
talk is not a dream you have last night,but a dream-- about life.
everyone has dreams about life, different dreams at different life
stage,and we need dreams to support us. dreams are like the stars we never reach
in the sky,but like most mariners(水手),we can chart our course by them. with the
dream,we have a direction,with a direction, we were no longer confused.with the
dream, there is hope,with hope, we have the strength to fight.
but i know，life is tough,and there are always ups and downs, maybe we fail
in the way to our aims,and we may feel depressed ,whenever at this time, the
dream in our heart can always comfort us, encourage us ,and support us to move
ahead .
young!fortunately, i am young now. just due to it, i know that nothing is
impossible.i firmly believe that nothing can stand in my way. if
i can't realize my dream,it result from that i haven't work harder enough
and i won't find other excuses. if no people believe you, you can make it to
prove that you are right. if you think the god haven't blessed you and there is
no truth here, you can become the god and create the truth.
"my breath swallows the sky and make the yellow river overflow, my sword is
famous in kyushu and it can collapse the five sacred mountains." at some time in
the past i also had am bitious words and i had some achievements. each
achievement results from my hard work. i always believe that "if you want to
have more achievements than others, you must work harder."
in some extent, the dream is the hope. if you can insist on doing
something, the victory will come.
hold fast to dreams, for if dreams die, life is a broken-winged bird that
cannot fly. hold fast to dreams, for when dreams go, life is a barren field
frozen with snow. so my dear friends, think of your old and maybe dead dreams.
whatever it is, pick it up and make it alive from today. let's--- move
----out!
thank you for your listening!
励志演讲稿
青春演讲稿
青春励志演讲稿
理想演讲稿
梦想演讲稿
态度演讲稿
励志语录
励志的句子
励志个性签名
励志座右铭
励志名言
励志美文
励志演讲稿
青春演讲稿
青春励志演讲稿
理想演讲稿
梦想演讲稿
态度演讲稿
励志语录
励志的句子
励志个性签名
励志座右铭
励志名言
励志美文
励志演讲稿英语 篇2
age is irrelevant when it comes to music. The most important thing about listening to classical music is to have a heart of godliness.在上网看看我们的郭敬明，如今却站在作家的巅峰，站在商业经济的巅峰。这个世界是残酷而不公平的，如今的他仍然有我们常人所不知的努力，他会孤独的熬夜，也会把自己累倒。
which allows me to overcome the difficulties and frustrations I face in life. I consider myself to be very similar to Bach because we are both persistent in setting and achieving goals.北京五千多名爱国主义学生在天安门前集会，并举行了声势浩大的示威游行。凭着一月空爱国肉血，他们不畏军警的镇压与逮捕，坚持抵抗北洋政府签署损害中国主权的《凡尔塞和约》，内惩国贼”丧心病狂的北洋政府竟大批逮捕学生》最终，激起了全国人民的愤怒。
The spirit of Bach's music inspires me and helps me to face my life with a new determination to fulfill my goals. It is evident that Bach's music has and will continue to shape my life in years to come.
If you're able to listen to classical music with emotion even just once, I know that you'll find a new positive influence in your life just as I did.
励志演讲稿英语 篇3
好的演讲稿，应该既有热情的'鼓动，又有冷静的分析，要把抒情和说理有机地结合起来，做到动之以情，晓之以理。下面是由.jinpinTjian ul li a小编推荐的精彩英语励志演讲稿，欢迎大家阅读。
《Winston Churchill's Iron Curtain Speech》
Winston Churchill presented his Sinews of Peace, (the Iron Curtain Speech)， at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, 1946 .
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name “Westminster” somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my education in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been educated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introduced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, duties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words “over-all strategic concept”. There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called “the unestimated sum of human pain”. Our supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their “over-all strategic concept” and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step -- namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars -- though not, alas, in the interval between them -- I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Facist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, “There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “In my father's house are many mansions.” Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have “faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings” -- to quote some good words I read here the other day -- why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my duty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate action , to build up a pro-Communist Germany in their areas, this will cause new serious difficulties in the American and British zones, and will give the defeated Germans the power of putting themselves up to auction between the Soviets and the Western Democracies. Whatever conclusions may be drawn from these facts -- and facts they are -- this is certainly not the Liberated Europe we fought to build up. Nor is it one which contains the essentials of permanent peace.
The safety of the world, ladies and gentlemen, requires a new unity in Europe, from which no nation should be permanently outcast. It is from the quarrels of the strong parent races in Europe that the world wars we have witnessed, or which occurred in former times, have sprung. Twice in our own lifetime we have seen the United States, against their wished and their traditions, against arguments, the force of which it is impossible not to comprehend, twice we have seen them drawn by irresistible forces, into these wars in time to secure the victory of the good cause, but only after frightful slaughter and devastation have occurred. Twice the United State has had to send several millions of its young men across the Atlantic to find the war; but now war can find any nation, wherever it may dwell between dusk and dawn. Surely we should work with conscious purpose for a grand pacification of Europe, within the structure of the United Nations and in accordance with our Charter. That I feel opens a course of policy of very great importance.
In front of the iron curtain which lies across Europe are other causes for anxiety. In Italy the Communist Party is seriously hampered by having to support the Communist-trained Marshal Tito's claims to former Italian territory at the head of the Adriatic. Nevertheless the future of Italy hangs in the balance. Again one cannot imagine a regenerated Europe without a strong France. All my public life I never last faith in her destiny, even in the darkest hours. I will not lose faith now. However, in a great number of countries, far from the Russian frontiers and throughout the world, Communist fifth columns are established and work in complete unity and absolute obedience to the directions they receive from the Communist center. Except in the British Commonwealth and in the United States where Communism is in its infancy, the Communist parties or fifth columns constitute a growing challenge and peril to Christian civilization. These are somber facts for anyone to have recite on the morrow a victory gained by so much splendid comradeship in arms and in the cause of freedom and democracy; but we should be most unwise not to face them squarely while time remains.
The outlook is also anxious in the Far East and especially in Manchuria. The Agreement which was made at Yalta, to which I was a party, was extremely favorable to Soviet Russia, but it was made at a time when no one could say that the German war might no extend all through the summer and autumn of 1945 and when the Japanese war was expected by the best judges to last for a further 18 months from the end of the German war. In this country you all so well-informed about the Far East, and such devoted friends of China, that I do not need to expatiate on the situation there.
I have, however, felt bound to portray the shadow which, alike in the west and in the east, falls upon the world. I was a minister at the time of the Versailles treaty and a close friend of Mr. Lloyd-George, who was the head of the British delegation at Versailles. I did not myself agree with many things that were done, but I have a very strong impression in my mind of that situation, and I find it painful to contrast it with that which prevails now. In those days there were high hopes and unbounded confidence that the wars were over and that the League of Nations would become all-powerful. I do not see or feel that same confidence or event he same hopes in the haggard world at the present time.
On the other hand, ladies and gentlemen, I repulse the idea that a new war is inevitable; still more that it is imminent. It is because I am sure that our fortunes are still in our own hands and that we hold the power to save the future, that I feel the duty to speak out now that I have the occasion and the opportunity to do so. I do not believe that Soviet Russia desires war. What they desire is the fruits of war and the indefinite expansion of their power and doctrines. But what we have to consider here today while time remains, is the permanent prevention of war and the establishment of conditions of freedom and democracy as rapidly as possible in all countries. Our difficulties and dangers will not be removed by closing our eyes to them. They will not be removed by mere waiting to see what happens; nor will they be removed by a policy of appeasement. What is needed is a settlement, and the longer this is delayed, the more difficult it will be and the greater our dangers will become.
From what I have seen of our Russian friends and Allies during the war, I am convinced that there is nothing for which they have less respect than for weakness, especially military weakness. For that reason the old doctrine of a balance of power is unsound. We cannot afford, if we can help it, to work on narrow margins, offering temptations to a trial of strength. If the Western Democracies stand together in strict adherence to the principles will be immense and no one is likely to molest them. If however they become divided of falter in their duty and if these all-important years are allowed to slip away then indeed catastrophe may overwhelm us all.
Last time I saw it all coming and I cried aloud to my own fellow-countrymen and to the world, but no one paid any attention. Up till the year 1933 or even 1935, Germany might have been saved from the awful fate which has overtaken here and we might all have been spared the miseries Hitler let loose upon mankind. there never was a war in history easier to prevent by timely action than the one which has just desolated such great areas of the globe. It could have been prevented in my belief without the firing of a single shot, and Germany might be powerful, prosperous and honored today; but no one would listen and one by one we were all sucked into the awful whirlpool. We surely, ladies and gentlemen, I put it to you, surely, we must not let it happen again. This can only be achieved by reaching now, in 1946, by reaching a good understanding on all points with Russia under the general authority of the United Nations Organization and by the maintenance of that good understanding through many peaceful years, by the whole strength of the English-speaking world and all its connections. There is the solution which I respectfully offer to you in this Address to which I have given the title, “The Sinews of Peace”.
Let no man underrate the abiding power of the British Empire and Commonwealth. Because you see the 46 millions in our island harassed about their food supply, of which they only grow one half, even in war-time, or because we have difficulty in restarting our industries and export trade after six years of passionate war effort, do not suppose we shall not come through these dark years of privation as we have come through the glorious years of agony. Do not suppose that half a century from now you will not see 70 or 80 millions of Britons spread about the world united in defense of our traditions, and our way of life, and of the world causes which you and we espouse. If the population of the English-speaking Commonwealths be added to that of the United States with all that such co-operation implies in the air, on the sea, all over the globe and in science and in industry, and in moral force, there will be no quivering, precarious balance of power to offer its temptation to ambition or adventure. On the contrary there will be an overwhelming assurance of security. If we adhere faithfully to the Charter of the United Nations and walk forward in sedate and sober strength seeking no one's land or treasure, seeking to lay no arbitrary control upon the thoughts of men; if all British moral and material forces and convictions are joined with your own in fraternal association, the highroads of the future will be clear, not only for our time, but for a century to come.
励志演讲稿英语 篇4
Dear：
In the past, when the lights were not invented, gas accidents often occurred in European coal mines because of open fires. In order to prevent the frequent occurrence of disasters, high salaries hire scientists to study the work lights that do not ignite gas.
Debbie is engaged in the study were invited to one of the scientists. One day, he was hungry in the laboratory, and he ate the pie with an alcohol lamp. After baking the pie, putting the wire on the fire and preparing for the experiment, he noticed that the fire was burning, but the flame could not reach the wire.
Debbie thought: "it must be the wire netting to the heat of the fire spread." He made a wire mesh lampshade, then put the alcohol lamp shade on the wire lampshade and carefully put it in the low concentration gas. It turned out that after a long time the alcohol lamp was burning, but it didn't ignite the gas. Finally, the safety lamp used in the coal mine was invented.
读书破万卷下笔如有神，以上就是一米范文范文为大家整理的10篇《ted经典励志英文演讲稿》，希望对您的写作有所帮助。
励志演讲稿英语 篇5
Many people want to believe that finding happiness is all about finding orgetting something that they want. However, not many people have ever foundlong-term happiness by achieving a goal. There will always be another thing thatthey want. There will always be another exam or another dollar.
许多人都相信,找到幸福就等于找到或得到他们的心仪之物。然而,很多人并没有在目标实现之后就获得长久的幸福。这是因为人们总想要得到更多的东西,总还要走入考场,总还要赚更多的钱。
To break this vicious cycle, we must find our happiness somewhere else—within ourselves. In other words, happiness is completely an inside job. Thekey to finding happiness is to understand that happiness is a choice rather thanthe result of an experience. We have been given everything
为了打破这种恶性循环,我们必须在其他地方找到幸福——那就是在我们的内心世界里。换句话说,幸福是心灵的产物。得到幸福的关键就在于要懂得幸福是一种选择,而不是经历的结果。
We need to be happy. Allow yourself to choose happiness. If life wasperfect, would you be happy? Life is perfect because we create it with ourchoices. Since we can create life, we can create happiness and choose how muchbetter our lives can get!
我们已经拥有获得幸福所需要的一切。去选择自己的幸福吧!倘若生活是完美的,你会觉得幸福吗?人生之所以完美就因为它是我们通过选择创造出来的。既然我们能创造生活,我们就能创造幸福,并选择更美好的人生!
Only when we can accept that life is perfect as it is, and that our livesare the sum total of everything that has happened up to this moment, can weaccept the joy and the happiness we deserve.
我们只有在接受生活原本就很完美,并且生活就是此刻所经历之事的全部之时,我们才能得到我们应得的那份喜悦与幸福。
励志演讲稿英语 篇6
31、theenvironmentwillnotchange,thesolutionistochangeyourself.
32、theideadecidestheaction,theactiondecidestheresult.
33、peoplearebeinggreatbecauseoftheirdreams,reachingtheirowngoalsatanearlydate.
34、山色不厌远，我行随处深。
35、withtheheartandbloodcastabrillianttomorrow!
36、同时，你可以从“为什么要劳动”、“如何劳动”、“劳动的意义”等方面，详细阐述劳动对于我们个人和社会的重要性，引导大家正确认识劳动，珍惜劳动。
37、Donotsay"Ican't"or"impossible",becauseyouhaven'tdoneitatall!
38、theheightsthatgreatmenhaveattainedandmaintainedarenotflying,butwhentheyareasleep,theyclimbupstepbystep.
39、"NeverinmywildestdreamsdidIeverimaginereachingthefinaloftheworldchampionships,andnowthatI'vedoneitIstillcan'tbelieveithappened,"Susaidafterthesemis.
40、Thetrippointisdifferent,isatimeperiodmaybeextendedindefinitelyexpeditionisslashadventure,istocatchuptoassankashipfrigateanimallikeawalnutshell.
41、lifewillnotdenyanyone,andfearthathewilldenyhislife.
42、一个正在旅游中的家庭，有许多机会同别国人民的家庭接触。“人民访问人民”正是提供了这样的一种机会。
43、withsincereandtouchingpeople,peopleshouldbehonest.
44、WiththehugecrowdattheBird'sNestkeepingtheirfingerscrossedandhopingforamiracle,Sudeliveredanationalrecord-tyingresultof9.99secondsinthesemifinalstoqualifyasoneoftheninefastestmenintheworld.
45、旅行对我来说，是恢复青春活力的源泉。
46、在英文演讲方面，你需要准备好演讲材料，注意口齿清晰、表达准确，这样才能更好地展现自己的形象和表达自己的观点。
47、Trytomakeeverydayagoodlife,ameaningfullife,andyouwillspendyourwholelifeoptimisticandfull.
48、因为作为劳动小榜样，你向大家展示了勤劳和诚实的品质，这些品质不仅可以帮助你取得成就，还可以激励他人。
49、旅游的作用就是用现实来约束想像：不是去想事情会是怎样的，而是去看它们实际上是怎样的。
50、CanIbefarmountains,deep.
51、旅游使智者更智，愚者更昧。
52、希望你可以继续保持劳动精神，不断进取，成为更优秀的劳动者。
53、是的，你是劳动小榜样。
54、真理的旅行，是不用入境证的。
55、在你的英文演讲中，你可以分享你的劳动小榜样经历和故事，激励其他人也加入到劳动创造的队伍中。
56、successisthetoilandsweatofdyeing,noregretstakehopeeveryday.
57、Travelmakesawisemanbetter,moreignorantfools.
励志演讲稿英语 篇7
3分钟励志英文演讲稿范文
We Are The World ,We Are The Future
Someone said “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. I don’t know who wrote these words, but I’ve always liked them as a reminder that the future can be anything we want it to be. We are all in the position of the farmers. If we plant a good seed ,we reap a good harvest. If we plant nothing at all, we harvest nothing at all.
We are young. “How to spend the youth?” It is a meaningful question. To answer it, first I have to ask “what do you understand by the word youth?” Youth is not a time of life, it’s a state of mind. It’s not a matter of rosy cheeks, red lips or supple knees. It’s the matter of the will. It’s the freshness of the deep spring of life.
A poet said “To see a world in a grain of sand, and a heaven in a wild flower, hold infinity in the palm of your hand, and eternity in an hour. Several days ago, I had a chance to listen to a lecture. I learnt a lot there. I’d like to share it with all of you. Let’s show our right palms. We can see three lines that show how our love.career and life is. I have a short line of life. What about yours? I wondered whether we could see our future in this way. Well, let’s make a fist. Where is our future? Where is our love, career, and life? Tell me.Yeah, it is in our hands. It is held in ourselves.
We all want the future to be better than the pastt. But the future can go better itself. Don’t cry because it is over, smile because it happened. From the past, we’ve learnt that the life is tough, but we are tougher. We’ve learnt that we can’t choose how we feel, but we can choose what about it. Failure doesn’t mean you don’t have it, it does mean you should do it in a different way. Failure doesn’t mean you should give up, it does mean you must try harder.
As what I said at the beginning, “we are reading the first verse of the first chapter of a book, whose pages are infinite”. The past has gone. Nothing we do will change it. But the future is in front of us. Believe that what we give to the world, the world will give to us. And from today on, let’s be the owners of ourselves, and speak out “We are the world, we are the future.”
励志演讲稿英语 篇8
优秀大学英语励志演讲稿范文
演讲稿的语言要求做到准确、精练、生动形象、通俗易懂，不能讲假话、大话、空话，也不能讲过于抽象的话。要多用比喻，多用口语化的语言，深入浅出，把抽象的.道理具体化，把概念的东西形象化，让听众听得入耳、听得明白。以下是由.jinpinTjian ul li a小编为大家推荐的优秀大学英语励志演讲稿范文，欢迎大家学习参考。
thank you. thank you, president chen, chairmen ren, vice president chi, vice minister wei. we are delighted to be here today with a very large american delegation, including the first lady and our daughter, who is a student at stanford, one of the schools with which beijing university has a relationship. we have six members of the united states congress; the secretary of state; secretary of commerce; the secretary of agriculture; the chairman of our council of economic advisors; senator sasser, our ambassador; the national security advisor and my chief of staff, among others. i say that to illustrate the importance that the united states places on our relationship with china.
i would like to begin by congratulating all of you, the students, the faculty, the administrators, on celebrating the centennial year of your university. gongxi, beida. (applause.)
as i'm sure all of you know, this campus was once home to yenching university which was founded by american missionaries. many of its wonderful buildings were designed by an american architect. thousands of americans students and professors have come here to study and teach. we feel a special kinship with you.
i am, however, grateful that this day is different in one important respect from another important occasion 79 years ago. in june of 1919, the first president of yenching university, john leighton stuart, was set to deliver the very first commencement address on these very grounds. at the appointed hour, he appeared, but no students appeared. they were all out leading the may 4th movement for china's political and cultural renewal. when i read this, i hoped that when i walked into the auditorium today, someone would be sitting here. and i thank you for being here, very much. (applause.)
over the last 100 years, this university has grown to more than 20,000 students. your graduates are spread throughout china and around the world. you have built the largest university library in all of asia. last year, 20 percent of your graduates went abroad to study, including half of your math and science majors. and in this anniversary year, more than a million people in china, asia, and beyond have logged on to your web site. at the dawn of a new century, this university is leading china into the future.
i come here today to talk to you, the next generation of china's leaders, about the critical importance to your future of building a strong partnership between china and the united states.
the american people deeply admire china for its thousands of years of contributions to culture and religion, to philosophy and the arts, to science and technology. we remember well our strong partnership in world war ii. now we see china at a moment in history when your glorious past is matched by your present sweeping transformation and the even greater promise of your future.
just three decades ago, china was virtually shut off from the world. now, china is a member of more than 1,000 international organizations -- enterprises that affect everything from air travel to agricultural development. you have opened your nation to trade and investment on a large scale. today, 40,000 young chinese study in the united states, with hundreds of thousands more learning in asia, africa, europe, and latin america.
your social and economic transformation has been even more remarkable, moving from a closed command economic system to a driving, increasingly market-based and driven economy, generating two decades of unprecedented growth, giving people greater freedom to travel within and outside china, to vote in village elections, to own a home, choose a job, attend a better school. as a result you have lifted literally hundreds of millions of people from poverty. per capita income has more than doubled in the last decade. most chinese people are leading lives they could not have imagined just 20 years ago.
of course, these changes have also brought disruptions in settled patterns of life and work, and have imposed enormous strains on your environment. once every urban chinese was guaranteed employment in a state enterprise. now you must compete in a job market. once a chinese worker had only to meet the demands of a central planner in beijing. now the global economy means all must match the quality and creativity of the rest of the world. for those who lack the right training and skills and support, this new world can be daunting.
in the short-term, good, hardworking people -- some, at least will find themselves unemployed. and, as all of you can see, there have been enormous environmental and economic and health care costs to the development pattern and the energy use pattern of the last 20 years -- from air pollution to deforestation to acid rain and water shortage.
in the face of these challenges new systems of training and social security will have to be devised, and new environmental policies and technologies will have to be introduced with the goal of growing your economy while improving the environment. everything i know about the intelligence, the ingenuity, the enterprise of the chinese people and everything i have heard these last few days in my discussions with president jiang, prime minister zhu and others give me confidence that you will succeed.
as you build a new china, america wants to build a new relationship with you. we want china to be successful, secure and open, working with us for a more peaceful and prosperous world. i know there are those in china and the united states who question whether closer relations between our countries is a good thing. but everything all of us know about the way the world is changing and the challenges your generation will face tell us that our two nations will be far better off working together than apart.
the late deng xiaoping counseled us to seek truth from facts. at the dawn of the new century, the facts are clear. the distance between our two nations, indeed, between any nations, is shrinking. where once an american clipper ship took months to cross from china to the united states. today, technology has made us all virtual neighbors. from laptops to lasers, from microchips to megabytes, an information revolution is lighting the landscape of human knowledge, bringing us all closer together. ideas, information, and money cross the planet at the stroke of a computer key, bringing with them extraordinary opportunities to create wealth, to prevent and conquer disease, to foster greater understanding among peoples of different histories and different cultures.
but we also know that this greater openness and faster change mean that problems which start beyond one nations borders can quickly move inside them -- the spread of weapons of mass destruction, the threats of organized crime and drug trafficking, of environmental degradation, and severe economic dislocation. no nation can isolate itself from these problems, and no nation can solve them alone. we, especially the younger generations of china and the united states, must make common cause of our common challenges, so that we can, together, shape a new century of brilliant possibilities.
in the 21st century -- your century -- china and the united states will face the challenge of security in asia. on the korean peninsula, where once we were adversaries, today we are working together for a permanent peace and a future freer of nuclear weapons.
on the indian subcontinent, just as most of the rest of the world is moving away from nuclear danger, india and pakistan risk sparking a new arms race. we are now pursuing a common strategy to move india and pakistan away from further testing and toward a dialogue to resolve their differences.
in the 21st century, your generation must face the challenge of stopping the spread of deadlier nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons. in the wrong hands or the wrong places, these weapons can threaten the peace of nations large and small. increasingly, china and the united states agree on the importance of stopping proliferation. that is why we are beginning to act in concert to control the worlds most dangerous weapons.
in the 21st century, your generation will have to reverse the international tide of crime and drugs. around the world, organized crime robs people of billions of dollars every year and undermines trust in government. america knows all about the devastation and despair that drugs can bring to schools and neighborhoods. with borders on more than a dozen countries, china has become a crossroad for smugglers of all kinds.
last year, president jiang and i asked senior chinese and american law enforcement officials to step up our cooperation against these predators, to stop money from being laundered, to stop aliens from being cruelly smuggled, to stop currencies from being undermined by counterfeiting. just this month, our drug enforcement agency opened an office in beijing, and soon chinese counternarcotics experts will be working out of washington.
in the 21st century, your generation must make it your mission to ensure that today's progress does not come at tomorrow's expense. china's remarkable growth in the last two decades has come with a toxic cost, pollutants that foul the water you drink and the air you breathe -- the cost is not only environmental, it is also serious in terms of the health consequences of your people and in terms of the drag on economic growth.
environmental problems are also increasingly global as well as national. for example, in the near future, if present energy use patterns persist, china will overtake the united states as the world's largest emitter of greenhouse gases, the gases which are the principal cause of global warming. if the nations of the world do not reduce the gases which are causing global warming, sometime in the next century there is a serious risk of dramatic changes in climate which will change the way we live and the way we work, which could literally bury some island nations under mountains of water and undermine the economic and social fabric of nations.
we must work together. we americans know from our own experience that it is possible to grow an economy while improving the environment. we must do that together for ourselves and for the world.
building on the work that our vice president, al gore, has done previously with the chinese government, president jiang and i are working together on ways to bring american clean energy technology to help improve air quality and grow the chinese economy at the same time.
but i will say this again -- this is not on my remarks -- your generation must do more about this. this is a huge challenge for you, for the american people and for the future of the world. and it must be addressed at the university level, because political leaders will never be willing to adopt environmental measures if they believe it will lead to large-scale unemployment or more poverty. the evidence is clear that does not have to happen. you will actually have more rapid economic growth and better paying jobs, leading to higher levels of education and technology if we do this in the proper way. but you and the university, communities in china, the united states and throughout the world will have to lead the way. (applause.)
励志演讲稿英语 篇9
第一条：每个人对年轻都有自己的理解，年轻是一段美丽和奇迹的时期，只有在你经历了灵魂的酸甜苦辣之后，你才能真正成为一个有意义的人。年轻的时间是有限的，它可能在你的注意之下流逝，当你发现发生了什么时，总是为时已晚。抓住年轻意味着更好的时光在不久的将来等待着你，或者情况可能相反。
纵观人类历史上的这些伟人，他们都充分利用了自己的青春，做了一些对社会、对全人类有益的事情，因此，他们被后人铭记
所以，在年轻的时候做点什么吧，尽管你可能不会像这些伟人那样取得成就，尽管不是为了全世界，只是为了你自己，为了周围的人！
年轻人就像盛开的花朵，他们盛开时是如此美丽，他们让人感到快乐，但随着时间的推移，他们枯萎后，人们认为他们是丑陋的。年轻也是如此，我们年轻时充满热情，那么我们可能会随着年龄的增长而失去激情。不要让有限的时间流逝，留下任何有意义的东西。
第二部分：有人说“我们正在读一本书的第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。我不知道这些话是谁写的，但我一直喜欢用它们来提醒自己，未来可以是我们想要的任何样子。我们都处在农民的位置上。如果我们种下好种子，我们会有好收成。如果我们什么也不种，我们什么也不会收获。
我们还年轻。“青春怎么度过？”这是一个有意义的问题。要回答这个问题，首先我要问“你对青春这个词的理解是什么？”青春不是人生的'一段时间，而是一种精神状态。这不是玫瑰色的脸颊、红色的嘴唇或柔软的膝盖的问题。这是遗嘱的问题。这是生命深泉的清新。
一位诗人说：“从一粒沙子看到一个世界，从一朵野花看到一个天堂，把握在你手心里的就是无限，永恒也就消融于一个时辰。”。几天前，我有机会听了一个讲座。我在那里学到了很多东西。我想和大家分享一下。让我们伸出右手。我们可以看到三条线显示我们的爱情、事业和生活是怎样的。我的生命很短暂。你的呢？我想知道我们是否可以这样看待我们的未来。好吧，让我们握紧拳头。我们的未来在哪里？我们的爱情，事业，生活在哪里？告诉我。是的，它在我们手中。它在我们自己心中。
我们都希望未来比过去更好。但是未来会变得更好。不要因为结束而哭泣，微笑吧，为你的曾经拥有。从过去，我们知道生活是艰难的，但我们更坚强。我们已经知道，我们不能选择我们的感受，但我们可以选择如何去感受。失败并不意味着你没有，而是意味着你应该换一种方式去做。失败并不意味着你应该放弃，而是意味着你必须更加努力。
正如我在开头所说，“我们正在读一本书第一章的第一节，这本书的页数是无限的”。过去已经过去了。我们做什么都改变不了。但是未来就在眼前。相信我们给世界什么，世界也会给我们什么。从今天开始，让我们成为自己的主人，大声说出“我们是世界，我们是未来。”
第三部分：学生青春励志英语演讲，死亡飞翔我们的公务生活是一场梦，从着陆的那一刻起，我们就是即将到来的梦！同样，我们在离开这个世界的时候，也会带着自己的梦想离开。在梦的召唤下，我们逐渐长大，思想逐渐成熟，学得越来越多，懂得越来越多。
我们的梦想也越来越充实，越来越丰富。一个人不能忘记那本书的书名《白天穿山越海》；没有忘记那一段苦乐共存的岁月；别忘了，多一点认真，多一点尊敬的导师的教导......
面对过去，我们打开自己的思想和心灵之门，沐浴在阳光中接受和倾听规劝的时候，我们放飞梦想。是实现长远愿景的基石；梦想是积蓄力量的开始；梦的世界是理性的必要条件；梦想齐家国家的前提是世界是平的。
为此，尊重伦理，教育可以明确负责，爱。我们将随时准备好......
公鸡的啼鸣冲破了黎明的寂静，唤醒了青春的梦想，老灯那盏不灭的明灯，借助一个柔弱的好打理的轻重的行囊，踏上了新的征程开始了。东方初升的太阳，留下一串串依恋故土的足迹，是情怀和放弃。再见，亲爱的土地，我们有我们的梦想，我们都需要面对新的。
命运的舵已经掌握在自己手中，走着自己的路线。相信自己，你努力了，天黑后一定是晴朗的。做时间的主人，为了每一秒，当船艰难起航，你准备好了吗？展现你的风采，创造辉煌的明天。说天空没有留下鸟儿的痕迹，但我已经过去了。是一只鹰，就要飞过天空，是一棵树，就要铸造一个时代，去飞翔的勇气，去投入的勇气，放飞你的梦想，相信你的明天会更辉煌，你的明天会更精彩。
珍惜现在，应该把握机会。
朋友们，放飞现在的梦想，让我们相聚在那一天的荣耀里。
